The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was regarded as one of the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in US history. Although numerous second-in-commands were confined to marginal or ceremonial functions, Cheney exercised huge influence during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often called as the "real president".
Bush objected to that description and said the dynamic was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was courteous, consistently calling him in public as President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their relationship as a partnership because it implied that they were on equal footing. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney considered the relaxed president pliable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a contingent of neo-cons that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the downing of any unresponsive airplanes approaching the government building.
Cheney claimed the strikes transformed him, causing him to be determined on retaliation. In conjunction with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Actions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the harsh treatment of individuals apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on inaccurate information circulated by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It was the right thing to do then. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance now."
Yet even then, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, deception, ineptitude, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had composed a memorandum setting out situations in which US concerns might be compromised (encompassing "availability of essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be postured to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be orchestrated," specifically referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of lowering America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a scheme to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his parent's countenance that each person had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken behind striking Iraq, frequently referencing agency briefings that were both thin or totally inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush government indirectly described as "enhanced interrogation", the use of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the report as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and create initiatives to capture the perpetrators who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed nicknames imposed on him by detractors such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the shadows that operates invisibly emerge from his lair? That is a effective way to operate, actually."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him throughout his time as second-in-command. Even though he had little experience in business but strong connections in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the presidency. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US deals valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his period at the firm grew from his $258,394 while military head to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a package totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
